What is undeniable about the
current political climate in Goa is that there are a number of people who are
desirous of change. Most of them are in fact singularly opposed to the return
of the Congress, as well as the BJP. This is already a good start. The problem
is that those who are translating desire into political action and setting up
political parties are all after the same pie, and hopelessly divided. It is this division, and the grandstanding in
which each party will field its own candidate which, will ensure that the BJP
will return to power. The fact that this singular fact has not seemed to
percolate into the public rhetoric of the various parties, and that these
various apparent opponents of the BJP are jostling each other suggests that we
are in for very dark times indeed. Preventing this should be highest on our
agenda.
What are our options if this is
the bleak scenario that faces us in the upcoming elections? There are a couple
of solutions that I have to offer. These solutions rest on the argument that we
abandon the idea that the next elections are going to bring about a sea-change
in Goan politics. Despite the tall claims that are being made by all and
sundry, there is going to be no utopia following the elections. Such claims
fail to recognize the complexity of the electorate and the electoral system.
Indeed, I would argue that some of these utopian claims are based on a fundamental disrespect of the electorate and the way in which the marginalized use their vote. Further, some of challengers of the dominant parties fail to
recognize that many of the problems we face are not the result of bad people in
politics, but a problematic system that is in place. As such, unless one
recognizes that it is the system which is the problem, even a good, honest,
person usually becomes part of the same old system or is rendered helpless.
The problems as I see them are
the following, first, there is a need to ensure that the BJP does not return to
power. The second, is that we need to begin restricting the way in which
electoral politics in Goa works. We cannot merely do good within the existent
system, the entire system itself has to be overhauled. We are thus faced with one
immediate agenda, and another more long-term agenda.
To begin with even if a single
party currently opposed to the BJP-Congress were to be able to win all forty
seats, this would be bad for democracy. First, a ruling party with no
opposition is a bad idea. This idea has already been articulated by Amita
Kanekar in a
recent op-ed, where she argued that “given the limited choices, what we
should aim for is simply a weak government.” Her reasoning, with which I
concur, is that even though we are constantly urged to vote for a strong
government, such governments invariably ignore criticism and overrule normal
procedures. Rather than a strong government therefore “ A weak government, i.e.
a minority or coalition government, would serve better, with more assembly
discussions and cabinet meetings, rather than dictatorial orders, and where
everybody might be too concerned about their survival to do much damage.”
Like Kanekar, I propose that we
should look to 2017 elections through a pragmatic lens even as we hold utopian
visions. The 2017 elections should be an exercise in cooperative behavior, encouraging
newer voices and parties to emerge. It is now more than ever that the dictum
“united we stand, divided we fall” holds true. The buildup to the 2017
elections and the period until the next legislative elections should be seen as
preparatory time necessary to challenge the system that currently obtains. Even
as many new entrants to the political scene have begun campaigning, it would be
more realistic to recognize that the swing towards new entrants will be
minimal. It makes more sense to prepare for the elections scheduled in 2022. We
would do well to recognise that the success of currently dominant parties has
been built over such a long period and was never the result of campaigns of a
couple of months. As such a politics of alliances makes the most sense.
Of course there will be those who
will be horrified by this suggestion. “Make alliances with the corrupt and the
cynical?” would be the question of groups like AAP in Goa. The various bahujan
groups that are trying to cobble together a response in the upcoming elections
will ask if the suggestion is to make alliances with the various Brahmin-dominated
parties. To such positions my response
would be yes. Mayawati, the leader of the Bahujan Samaj Party, demonstrated
that making alliances with Brahmins is not necessarily out of the question.
What is important is not rhetorical grandstanding, or ideological purity, but
gaining access to political power so as to begin to change the system. However,
since process is also important, how one gets to power is also critical.
The politics of purity, whether
ideological or otherwise, is a dangerous politics because it presumes a
monopoly on the truth, and an almost divine power to realize it. The strategy
of alliances would allow a diverse group of voices to get into the legislature.
It would open the possibility for a legislative politics that is about debate
and mutual respect. This would engender real political change in Goa. Democratic
politics is the politics of compromise. One makes priorities, sees what one can
suffer, what one cannot, communicates this to one’s partner/s, and then works
towards maintaining the alliance, and hopefully influencing the other. When one
realizes that the alliance is not working, one can pull out. As Kanekar has
pointed out, it is an alliance-based weak government that we should aim for in
the upcoming elections, even as our sights are trained for 2022.
(This post has been profoundly influenced by the theology of Pope Benedict XVI as contained in his encyclical Spe Salvi. I would encourage readers to engage with this text.
A version of this post was first published in the O Heraldo dated 24 June 2016)
A version of this post was first published in the O Heraldo dated 24 June 2016)
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