Prime Minister
Narendra Modi was recently invited to be the chief guest at a national seminar
on “Religious Witnessing” organized by the Syro-Malabar Church in New Delhi.
The seminar was to mark the recent canonization of Kuriakose Elias Chavara and
Mother Euphrasia. Modi’s comments at this event seem to have sent leaders and
members of Christian groups, as well as secular liberals, into paroxysms of
delight. This frenzy possibly has its roots in the unnerving stony silence that
the Prime Minister’s Office maintained for months after the recent
vandalisations and desecrations of churches in the national capital. This
silence was a matter of concern for many and one can understand why the leaders
of the Christian communities were relieved that Modi has finally taken
initiative on the matter. The delight from various quarters has also been
fuelled by the manner in which the media has framed Modi’s statements as a “reaching
out” to Christians, and a commitment in favour of freedom of religion.
For my part, I
fail to see what the excitement is all about. Not only were Modi’s statements
at this event a case of too little, too late; they are also dangerously ambiguous.
Rather than supporting non-Hindu religious groups (Christian or otherwise) in
the country, his statements in fact underline the Hindutva logics that have
resulted in the recent vandalisations and desecrations.
“We cannot accept violence against any religion on any pretext and I strongly condemn such violence. My government will act strongly in this regard,” Modi is reported to have said. So far, so good. But it is what comes later that should, if not give cause for alarm, warn us that the Prime Minister has not swerved from the path of the Hindu Right.
The other
statements that we should give closer attention to include the folowing: “[m]y
government will not allow any religious
group, belonging to the majority or
the minority, to incite hatred against others, overtly or covertly.” In
addition, the Financial Times reported Modi as
having said, “[m]y government will ensure that there is complete freedom of
faith and that everyone has the undeniable right to retain or adopt the
religion of his or her choice without
coercion or undue influence.”
The devil, as
they say, is in the detail, and it is this detail that I have italicised above.
In phrasing his supposedly soothing words to the Christians in the country,
Modi has also suggested that it is not just supposed majority groups that
incite hatred against others but minoritised groups too! These are hardly the salving
words one extends toward communities that have been at the receiving end of mob
violence. Rather, it suggests that these groups may have done something to
invite the violence. This position is, of course, in keeping with the position
of the Hindu Right that argues that it is Hindus who are under attack, and that
all forms of violence from the Hindu Right are merely the result of righteous
anger. The
VHP is reported to have said as much, indicating that Modi was not
referring to the Hindu Right, but in fact delivering a lecture on the good
behaviour expected from Christians in the country.
In light of these
facts, one can assume that when Modi assures that “We will act strongly
against such violence” what he is doing is in fact playing out the standard
tactics of the Hindu Right. These tactics include the march toward an
authoritarian state. Authoritarian states have a peculiar relationship with
violence. They would ideally not like to exercise mob violence continuously,
knowing full well that violence once unleashed can be hard to control. Further,
the leaders of the violence could develop their own agenda and pose a challenge
to the existing leadership. Thus, what they would like is to strategically
exercise this violence, allowing it brief and controlled reign from time to
time. The fact of past violence is used as a threat to repressed groups. One
need only look at the playing out of the genocidal violence in Gujarat in 2002 to
understand the first part of the equation that I have just elaborated. And it
is not just Gujarat; one could argue that in India, mob violence does not
simply happen, but occurs because the state allows for it to take place.
In the light of
international outcry, and the Presidential rebuke from Obama the anti-Christian
violence is now an embarrassment to the Modi regime. In this context, it is now
perfectly comprehensible if heads will roll for the anti-Christian violence in
Delhi. Also, bear in mind that this assertion of the intolerance of the state
against violence will just as easily be turned toward members of besieged faith
groups. This fact was in evidence both in the recent protests in Delhi, but
also in 2008, when Christians in Mangalore protesting against attacks on their churches were arrested and attacked by the police.
That this
assertion of an inclination toward law and order has little to do with securing
the security of non-Hindu groups becomes evident in Modi’s statements about the
freedom of religion. In assuring that he stands behind the right to freedom of
religion, he also felt the need to add that there ought to be no coercion or undue influence in the
course of adopting the religion of one’s choice. This latter caveat is
critical, because coercion and undue influence is exactly what Hindu nationalists allege against both Christian and
Muslim missionaries. Hindu nationalists of all stripes have since Independence
used this allegation of coercion and undue influence as a way to place legal
restrictions on the freedom of faith. As a result, the various Freedom of Religion legislations in India make conversions actions that can be
monitored by the state executive. In doing so the Indian state makes a mockery
of the right to freedom of religion. Modi has simply confirmed a repressive
practice of the Indian state and is being applauded for it.
The final straw
is the manner in which Modi chose to frame the entire incident. From the Hindustan Times we hear that his
statements that supposedly assure Christians that their place in the country is
secure were framed by Modi pointing out that “equal respect” for all faiths was
an ancient Indian value that was also integral to the Constitution. “This
principle of equal respect and treatment for all faiths has been a part of
India’s ethos for thousands of years. And that is how it became integral to the
Constitution of India. Our Constitution did not evolve in a vacuum. It has
roots in the ancient cultural traditions of India.”
What nobody seems to have
realised is that Modi’s entire statement at this event was couched in
references to Hindu scriptures and ‘Indian’ traditions alone. There was no
recognition of the fact that the Constitution of India was in fact born via
inspiration from universal modern values. The fact that equal respect and
treatment is marked out as a feature of “Indian ethos” only underlines the
Indian nationalist allegation that religious violence was brought into the
subcontinent via the Christians and Muslims. Adding insult to injury is the
fact that this history of the subcontinent is entirely fabricated. Historians,
such as Romila Thapar, have indicated that rather than being an idyllic period,
ancient India was marked by vicious religious violence between various
brahmanical sects, and also between the Jain and Buddhist groups and
brahmanical groups.
One can
understand that Christian leaders, especially Bishops and their spokespersons,
are obliged by protocol and a sense of caution to make polite noises in
recognition of the Prime Minister’s statements. But let us be under no
illusion. Modi’s words are not statements that assure security to non-Hindu
religious groups in India. He has not moved an inch from the position of the
Hindu rightist groups to which he owes his primary allegiance. If anything, his
statements are another public relations exercise from camp Modi. Further, the Christians are not the audience
of this public relations exercise. Rather, they are merely the tools through
which the international image conscious Modi government can indicate to the
world that all is well in Hindu nationalist run India.
(A version of this post was first published in O Heraldo on 20 Feb 2015)
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